Khaydan

Country music also casts women in subordinate roles. A study of 203 country music videos featuring male performers found that two-thirds devalued women (35 percent pictured them in a condescending manner; 32 percent in traditional roles, including brides and pregnant wives), while only 9 percent presented women as fully equal to men (23 percent depicted contradictory roles) (Andsager and Roe 1999). Of the 80 videos by female artists, by contrast, one half fit the fully equal category. Interestingly, country music and videos do not feature violence against women or portray them as strippers and prostitutes, apparently because of strong industry norms (Andsager and Roe 1999, 81). In fact, one study shows that country music advertisers pressure radio stations to screen out misogynistic songs in order to attract desired female listeners (Ryan and Peterson 1982). [|http://www.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/2/0/0/3/4/pages200347/p200347-4.php]  Ryan, John W. and R. A. Peterson. 1982. “The Product Image: The Fate of Creativity in Country Music Songwriting.” //Sage Annual Reviews of Communication Research// 10:11-32. Andsager, Julie, and Kimberly Roe. 1999. “Country Music Video in Country’s Year of the Woman.” //Journal of Communication// 49: 69-82.

Our content analysis identified five misogynistic themes that appear with some frequency: (1) derogatory naming and shaming of women, (2) sexual objectification of women, (3) distrust of women (gold diggers), (4) legitimation of violence against women, and (5) celebration of prostitution and pimping.

Naming and shaming: A number of rap songs can be described as a full-fledged “status degradation ceremony” directed at women – a “ritual destruction of the person denounced” (Garfinkle 1956, 421). In these songs, it is typically women in general, rather than a specific person, who are shamed with derogatory names (e.g., whore, trick, tramp, hoochie, slut). This theme was present in half (49 percent) of the misogynistic songs.Our analysis identified instances of naming-and-shaming but did not automatically assume that all conventionally “negative” labels were necessarily disparaging. For instance, in rap culture the terms “bitch” and “ho” are not necessarily intended to be derogatory, depending on the lyrical context (Keyes 2002; Kitwana 1994, 25). Ice Cube talks about a “wholesome ho,” and Too $hort refers to his “finest bitches” and a “top-notch bitch.” Labels that fall into our naming-and-shaming category were unambiguously derogatory. Eminem’s song //Kill You//, for example, talks about “vile, venomous, volatile bitches.” Other rappers condemn the slut, tramp, whore, “lying-ass bitch,” “hood rat bitch,” “shitty hoe,” “prima donna bitch,” and so forth. A favorite rap term is “chickenhead,” which reduces a woman to a bobbing head giving oral sex. The extent and variety of these offensive names is not paralleled for men, either in rap or in the larger culture. Insofar as rappers derogate other men, it is noteworthy that they tend to use terms that are feminized, such as bitch or pussy. The flipside of this naming process is found in lyrics that praise men who treat women poorly. In these lyrics, it is a badge of honor for men to verbally and physically abuse women, and men win respect and esteem from other men when they act like “players,” “pimps,” and exploiters of women – financially, sexually, and emotionally. By this logic, because women are already exploited by pimps, there is no harm in subjecting them to lyrical shaming. The larger point is that rap industry norms, more so than in other types of music, encourage artists to disparage women and take other extreme positions (Kitwana 1994, 23; Krims 2000, 71; Smith 1997, 346). In other words, misogyny pays! Sexual Objectification: Sexual objectification of women was evident in 67 percent of our misogynistic songs. Sexual objectification refers to the idea that women are good only for sex. These lyrics mirror the street code’s exhortation that men’s commitment, marriage, and caring for children are to be avoided, and instead women are to be sexually exploited and then quickly dispensed with (Anderson 1999; Bourgois 1995; Liebow 1967; Miller and White 2003). High value is placed on having scores of sexual partners and even sharing them, another way in which women are de-individualized. Some rappers make it clear that they intend to put women “in their place,” demeaning strong and independent women. Sexual objectification of women has a flip side in the sexual empowerment of men. Male sexual bravado and hypersexuality were present in 58 percent of the misogynistic songs. A common practice is bragging about how easy it is for “players” to get women to have sex. Men win respect from other men for a high number of sexual conquests without commitment. Although present throughout the culture, it appears to be especially prized in disadvantaged neighborhoods where men lack other sources of dignity and self-esteem. In fact, there is a striking correspondence between the street code in inner-city communities and this music theme. Just as young men earn respect from their peers if they are viewed as having casual sex with many women (Anderson 1999; Bourgois 1995, 1996; Liebow 1967; Like and Miller 2006; Miller and White 2003), rappers likewise frequently brag about their sexual exploits, and are rewarded for doing so. Finally, gangbanging also illustrates the theme of sexual objectification. In these songs, many men have sex with one woman, whether consensually or not. Some involve gangbangs with underage girls, while others describe sex with heavily intoxicated women. Legitimating violence: Norms regarding appropriate conduct are ineffectual if not backed up with sanctions for those who disregard the norms. Violent punishment is one such sanction. Compared to the previous themes, condoning violence against women was less frequent but does appear in almost one-fifth (18 percent) of the songs. Violence is seen in these songs, first of all, as the most appropriate response to women who act disrespectfully toward men, just as it is for men who disrespect other men (Anderson 1999; Kubrin 2005a; Kubrin and Weitzer 2003). Several rappers threaten women with assault or rape if they refuse sex. These sorts of justifications for the use of violence are mirrored in disadvantaged minority communities, as borne out in some ethnographic research. For instance, Miller and White (2003, 1237) found that both girls and boys believed that male violence was appropriate when the girl seemed to have “forgotten her place.” Examples of such misconduct include girls who “run their mouth,” “act a fool,” dress inappropriately, or drink too much. As in rap music, violence in these communities is portrayed as situationally appropriate. By contrast, girls’ violence was defined by boys as “rooted in their greater emotionality,” which is another example of how gender differences are naturalized (Miller and White 2003, 1242).A related subtheme is the positive value placed on sex that is aggressive and injurious to women. Men demonstrate their dominance over women by such representations of rough sex. In the songs in this category, rappers (1) pride themselves on sex acts that appear to harm women, (2) justify other acts of violence, (3) warn women who challenge male domination that they will be assaulted, and (4) seem to invite and incite male violence against women. There is a dual message here, one for women and one for men: Violence is portrayed as the most appropriate response to women who violate gendered etiquette or who don’t “know their place” and men are encouraged to abide by this principle. The main purpose of such songs, therefore, appears to be the //normalization of violence against women as a legitimate means of social control//. The music both espouses a set of gendered norms and advocates sanctions for those who violate these norms. Prostitution and pimping:

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